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HON. ISAAC E. MORSE, OF LOUISIANA, 



I 



ON THE 



PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE IN RELATION TO CALIFORNIA. 



DELIVERED 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 14, 1850. 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. 

1850. 



F?. 



^•'S.CJ 



i 



'^ 



THE SLAVE aUESTION 



In Committee of the Whole on the state of the 

Union, on the President's Message transmitting 

the Constitution of California. 

Mr. MORSE said: 

Mr. Chairman: The importance of the question 
under consideration will be the only apology I 
shall offer for asking a share of the attention of 
the committee. 

The debate which has been going on for some 
lime in this body and the Senate, has left little for 
those who follow, but the gleanings of a field once 
as rich as the mines of that California whose 
admission into our Union is the subject of the Ex- 
ecutive message now lying upon your table. May 
our acquisitions in that quarter not prove like the 
fabled fruit of the East, beautiful to the eye, but 
ashes to the taste. 

The whole history of this California question 
has more the appearance of romance than of truth, 
and it is only from fable or fiction that we can draw 
any parallel. Where, but in the mythological story 
of Minerva, springing armed from the head of Jove 
himself, do we find anything to illustrate her pres- 
ent position? — a sovereign State as large as the 
old "thirteen," with nine hundred miles of sea- 
coast, her two Senators, and two Representatives 
to this branch, with their constitution in their 
hands, stepping from the brain of a brigadier-gen- 
eral of the United States army, into this Union of 
confederated sovereignties. 

Had yf u but piovided her with the decent veil 
of a short territorial government at the last ses-' 
eion of Congress, 1 see nothing riiat would have 
prevented her from being admitted under ^^le ope.- 
ration of your " previous question;" but when it' 
has been so often and so solemnly announced 
upon this floor, and by the resolutions of a large 
number of State Legislatures, as the settled and 
avowed policy that, henceforth and forever, from 
now to eternity, no other slave territory shall be 
incorporated into this Union, the question as- 
sumes an air of gravp importance, and it becomes 
every statesman to' look narrowly and carefully 
into it, and to see whether, if that be the settled 
policy, as avowed by some gentlemen, boldly, 
manfully, and honestly, and entertained by nearly 
every Representative from the States North of 
Mason and Dixon's line, it does not become the 
duty of the people of the South to see how far their 
interests are endangered and their principles com- 
promited, under this modern reckless and majority 
interpretation of the Constitution. I am not of 



that class of men who desire to put off until to- 
morrow the business of to-day. I propose, then, 
sir, briefly to examine the "signs of the limes;" 
what is the present feeling North and South; and 
whether the South are guilty of aggressipn upon 
the rights of the North, or whether the North has 
or has not encroached upon the South — to look 
upon the remedy proposed by the southern States — 
to examine coolly and dispassionately the relative 
advantages of the. Union. I am not to be seduced 
from the even tenor of my way by the siren songs 
of hosannas'to the Un;on, nor am I to be deterred 
by the yelpingsand howlings of those who choose 
to call me agitator or disunionist. 

When our forefathers framed this. Constitution, 
they declared, that, " We, the people of the United 
' States, in order to form a more perfect Union, es- 
' tablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro- 
' vide for the common defence, promote the general 
' welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our- 
' selves and posterity, do ordain," &c., &c.' 

Each and all of that posterity have nof'orily the 
right, but their duty to those who come after them 
requires that they should see whether this compact 
is faithfully kept; and. a man who cannot speak is 
a fooli who will not speak is a bigot, and who is 
at'raid to speak is a slave. 

I shall come, however, to that portion of my 
argument (if my time allows) last. 

B^ore I begin, I desire to, disembarrass this 
question from all extraneous matter — to set some 
gentlemen right upon the subject', by denying once 
for all, that slavery is an evil, and that anybody 
has^any right to remedy it as such. This most 
miscliievouaerros has grown up from the senti- 
ments of Mr. Jefferson, and miiny other southern 
statesmen, hastily and imprudently expressed at 
an ea^ly period of pur country; also from the. ob- 
jections ma(ie to slavery by some of the so.uthern 
States. Whatever might have been the. sentiment 
of the people of the South then, it has undergone 
a great change. We have seen our country flourish 
under this system — a tropical climate and soijl 
(where the white man cannot cultivate the eauth, 
without incurring more or less risk of health or 
life) converted into a terrestrial paradise. 

We have seen grow up with this institution a 
noble, chivalrous, and intelligent people, who have 
always exerci.sed, and (without meaning to be at 
all offensive) will continue to exercise, in the affairs 
of the world and of this country, an influence fully 
equal to our numerical strength. 

Without intending to disparage, in the least de- 



gree, our brethren of any portion of this great do- 
main, I do not hesitate to say, that in the peaceful 
walks 01 civil life — in the stirring events of war — 
in everything that can adorn and elevate a man, 
the people of the South are fully your equals, and 
being completely satisfied with all our institutions, 
we do not desire, or intend to allow, any change 
JR any one of them. 

I ask you, Mr. Chairman, is it not true that the 
people of one half of these States have discussed 
seriously, or are now discussing, the propriety of 
meeting in Convention at Nashville, to see what 
steps are necessary to be taken to secure their 
honor and their constitutional rights, which they 
sav, or think, are both endangered. 

1 agree with my friend from Georgia, [Mr. 
Toombs,] that up to 1820 there was no great cause 
of complaint. The people of the North and South 
lived like a band of brothers, and the stars and 
stripes floated over one people. 

Is it so now ? I will not weaken the argument 
of the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Cal- 
houn,] in regard to the separation of the churches. 
North and South. When, I ask, was it seen be- 
fore, that Christians cannot bow before the same 
altar, and worship together that God, who com- 
mands us to love our neighbor as ourself — when 
before have you heard of the resolutions of one 
State having been sent back in contempt, because 
they contained insulting and offensive matter. Our 
children are not educated, as formerly, in the north- 
ern colleges — traveling has greatly diminished — 
the pulpit, the press, this Hall — ay, the Senate, 
where grave old men were wont to talk calmly and 
wisely — now hear constant and continued fulmi- 
nations of one portion of the American people 
against the other. These things cannot last and 
the Union continue. Why, if no legislative enact- 
ments of an offensive character were ever passed, 
•the indulgence of their feelings will ultimately 
estrange these parties. This Union has not unap- 
propriately been compared to that most beautiful 
and holy union of the sexes, which our Creator 
instituted; but when mutual love and respect are 
gone — when that mysterious sentiment, which is 
not only the spirit, but the substance of the con- 
tract, is gone — the rest is a worthless and insulting 
mockery. 

When, Mr. Chairman, in the history of the 
last thirty years, has it ever been remarked before, 
that Clay, Calhoun and Webster agreed upon 
any one question, as we have seen from their late 
speeches, they do upon the open violalion of the 
Constitution, in relation to the rendition of fugi- 
tive slav«s. Speaking, sir, in legal parlance, they 
agree entirely upon the facts and the law. It is 
true, they difler widely about the remedy, as 
wopld naturally have been supposed from their 
respective localities, the temper of the men, and 
the character of the people they represent; but all 
three agree that the* North; by refusing to sur- 
render up fugitive slaves, violate both the letter 
and spirit of the Constitution; and all urge, not 
only theju.stice, but the absolute necessity, of en- 
forcing tiiat provision, and repealing the laws 
which in many of the States render it inoperative. 
If, under these circumstances, the three master 
minds of America have so little influence or con- 
trol that they cannot arrest this evil, then indeed 
is the disease organic, and too deeply seated for 
the ordinary remedies. 



If the light of three such minds (which, like the 
expiring flicker of the lamp, seems to burn bright- 
er, before it is forever extinguished, and whose 
great genius and patriotism we may never see 
united again) cannot penetrate the gloom that veils 
the future, and do what I know they all desire, 
save this Union, we must look to some higher 
source — "?i^ quid detrimeiiti Respublica capiat." 
I regret to be obliged to differ from the distin- 
guished Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. Clay,] 
whose name never fails to recall the association of 
eminent talents, great aims, and a long career of 
public service, who seems to appreciate too lightly 
the dangers which menace this Union, and whose 
great weight 1 am afraid will be thrown against 
the South. 

It neither suits my taste nor temper to pursue 
this unpleasant recital further. From all I see, 
and hear, and read, and feel — an instinct which 
rarely deceives me — tells me that there is danger — 
great danger — to the Union, and to the Constitution 
of my country, which God, in his infinite mercy, 
avert. It is not by eloquent appeals, and beautiful 
eulogies upon the Union, that it can be saved — less 
so by such expressions as a determination to 
stand by the Union, proviso or no proviso. When 
gentlemen from the South indulge in similar ex- 
pressions, they are more dangerous to what I 
conceive the best interests of the South than the 
most ultra men of the North — when you say, come 
what will, you stand by the Union, you invite 
aggression. It may be of little moment to you 
whether you lose your hat or your cane, but if 
you let it be known that you will not resist — that 
you are a lover of peace — men will soon be found 
ready and willing to trespass upon your rights, 
and put an indignity upon your person; much less 
can the Union be saved by the course of the north- 
ern and metropolitan press, hitherto remarkable 
for a frank statement of the true "signs of the 
times" — not by concealing the true state of the 
public mind at the South — not by publishing gar- 
bled portions of the messages of our governors, 
or the resolutions of our State legislatures, with 
here and there a solitary article upon the value of 
this Union, as though there was some cabalistic 
meaning of the word, that could cover up and 
atone for every sin. No, sir. Let the truth be 
spoken far and wide. Let it be known that there 
is a large portion of the American people discon- 
tented, who are ready and willing to renounce all 
old party associations, and are anxious to meet 
their fellow-citizens of the southern Stales in con- 
vention at Nashville, in the month of June next. 
A majority of the southern States have made 
preparations already to be represented — probably 
nearly every Slate will be; and whatever may 
be the decision of that convention, every southern 
State, with perhaps one or two exceptions, for 
weal or for woe, will make one common cause. 
Notwithstanding the 10 ! ejaculation ?nd bitter 
denunciation of disunion by the Senator from 
Texas, that State has made the legal and necessary 
arrangements to be represented, and further, re- 
fused to vote instructions to her delegates to use 
all their influence to prevent a dissolution of the 
Union. Let us understand each other, and talk 
like men, as no disease was ever avoided by con- 
cealing tiie danger, or cured by wishing the pa- 
tient well; so neither discontent nor disunion will 
be prevented or cured by lauding the glories of- 



the Union, or threatening to drive the traitors into 
the Cumberland river. 

I propose briefly, then, to examine the second 
proposition: Wiio are the aggressors ? 

To do so, understandingiy, let us see what was 
the relative position of the people North and South 
upon this question, and see who have advanced, 
and who have retreated. 

The first hostile movement was made when Mis- 
souri applied to be admitted into the Union. After 
five months of angry discussion, that State was 
admitted, and the Missouri compromise passed — 
tliat is, when the people, authorized to form a con- 
stitution, having ail the constitutional rights to be 
admitted into this Union, presented themselves 
with their constitution, they were refused admit- 
tance, until the South consented to establish the 
imaginary line of 36'^ 30', north of which they 
forever bound themselves and their posterity not 
to go with their slaves, while their northern breth- 
ren might go north or south. There was the 
fatal error of the people of the South. They 
should never have conceded the jurisdiction to 
Congress on the subject. They should have resist- 
ed, at every hazard (as they must do at some time 
or other) every attempt to prevent them from 
going, when they please, where they please, and 
with what property they please, into any and all 
the territory of the United States, every acre, 
every foot — ay, every spoonful of which — was the 
community property. 

The country, hov/ever, remained comparatively 
quiet until about fifteen years ago. Still there 
was no great uneasiness felt, until the admission 
of Texas into the Union. You, Mr. Chairman, 
and 1, were members of the twenty -eighth Con- 
gress, and recollect the discussion that took place. 
Let me read an extract or two from the speeches 
of northern men upon this subject: 

"Yes, sir, I repeat, hypocritical pretences! What, the 
ministers of the liherty-loviiig Government of Great Britain, 
so impressed with tlie liorrors of human servitude in Texas 
and the United States, as to interpose their benevolent 
policy in our atfairs, as an act of pure philantliropy ! No 
person, at all acquainted with English tiistory and policy, 
and who has learned even a tithe of the suffering of the mil- 
lions upon millions of human beings held in alyect and 
intolerable slavery throughout her vast donjinions, can fail 
for a moment to read this" painted hypocrite 

'Through the disguise she wears.' 

"Look at England herself. In the distance, like the 
whitentd sepulchre, she looks splendid — beautiful. Ap- 
proach her ; enter her cold and dismal mines ; then behold 
slavery — half-clad, half-starved, pale, emaciated slavery — in 
tlieshape of human beings, compelled to ceaseless servitude, 
the doomed and wretched vassals of the very lords and earls 
who prattle so loudly upon the floor of Parliament about 
Uie horrors of American slavery. Enter her manufacturing 
towns and cities; see the ragged and wan husband and 
father, simgchng early and late for a mere pittance. Visit 
tlie wife and children in the miserable aiu] dirty hovel, en- 
during all the horrors bordering upon nudity and starvation; 
and then call to mind, that all this is the direct eft'ect of the 
oppressive and grinding policy of these pretended philan- 
thropists for the negro race in America. But we need not 
stop here. True, she freed her slaves in the West Indies. 
For what purpose? not of a hatred to slavery I From a 
sincere de^ire to relieve human suffering.' Or was it to 
foment tliespjritof jw/ificaJa/io/i/iojiismin the United t^tates, 
to array the North aaahntlhc South, and thus to weaken the 
•lies that bind us together, and finally consummate her 
long-cherished desires, by a ilissolulion of our Union, and 
pro>trate forever her great and rival antagonist in com- 
uierce, manufactures, and the arts." 

You, Mr. Chairman, heard all that discussion — 
you saw all their fire-brand resolutions voted down 
and denounced by northern men. I need not say 



to you, that was the way the Democracy of the 
North, and many of the intelligent Whigs, voted. 
You know who stood by the Atherton resolutions, 
and all such resolutions as would give peace and 
quiet to the South. Let me show the committee 
how northern States — at least northern Democratic 
States — acted. While the Texan annexation was 
under discussion, a member of this House, from 
New Hampshire, wrote and published a longletter 
to his constituents, assigning his reasons for de- 
serting his party on this question, and put forth an 
anti-slavery rnanifesto. You recollect in what un- 
measured terms he was denounced by one of his 
colleagues. I will not oflend the committee by 
reading the insinuations made against the veracity 
of his address. Sufllice it to say, that no gentle- 
man, born and brought up south of Mason and 
Di.xon's line, would ever have preserved friendly 
relations afterward, without some satisfaction. 

The author of that address had been nominated 
as a candidate for reiilection to this body by the 
entire Democracy of the State, (because, at that 
time. New Hampshire had not adopted the district 
system of electing her members of Congress,) and 
though it was within a few weeks, if I remember 
accurately, of the time of the election, and at an 
inclement season of the year, a convention was 
called for the entire Stale, the nomination waa 
cancelled, another person was substituted in his 
place, and from that day John P. Hale has 
ceased all connection with the Democratic party. 
True it is, that by a union of the Whigs and 
Abolitionists, he was elected a Senator; and the 
colleague who denounced him, and the author of 
the speech, the extract of which I have just read, 
is — who do you suppose, Mr. Chairman? why, 
Moses Norris, his co-Senator! 

Where are the eloquent defenders of the South — 
no, sir; not of the South, but the fearless exponents 
of the Constitution.' Where are the Browps? 
the Ingersolls? the Athertons? the Norrises and 
Ellises? and echo answers, " Where." All have 
been compelled to turn their coats like Hale and 
NoRRis, or one by one have been stricken down, or 
forced into voluntary exile from public life. 

The committee will pardon me if I read one 
short extract from the speech of an able member 
from New York, the Einpire State, with thirty-four 
members upon this floor, and but one solitary 
spared monument of the defenders of the Consti- 
tution: 

" Let the scheme declare, as the bill of my colleague, 
[Mr. Robinson,] the predecessor of my friend before me, 
from New York [Mr. Duer] proposes, that after forming 
one slave State, slavery shall be prohibited in all the other 
States which the territory may hereaftei make, unless Con- 
gres shall otherwise determine by law, and you drive Texas 
into indignant rejection. You make a fundamental provis- 
ion which, if adopted, would be an unfailing source of 
agitaiion, of contention— perhaps of disunion itself. .The 
spirit of political abolitionism would rejoice in triumph. It 
would hold a power over the action of some members of 
Coniiress hereafler,.wUose faces it would knead into dough. 
You would effectually imprison the slave race within those 
prescribed limits of the Union, closethe drain and the outlet 
to Mexico, and most surely perpetuate the existence of 
slavery under tite pretence of extending the area of freedom." 

Such then, Mr. Chairman, were the sentiments 
of all liberal men at the North. I hope to hear no 
more of the aggressions of the South, or the slave- 
ocracy, as we have it classically expressed. The 
idea of a party in a minority of more than forty 
members, on this floor, aggressing upon the rights 
of the majority, is as ridiculous as would be the 



6 



attempt of a weak, sickly man, to encroach upon 
the privileges of a strono;, herculean neighbor. If 
you mean to carry out tlie opinions entertained by 
nearly all men of all parties, and restrict us to our 
present limits, and forbid us from ever extending: 
ourselves and our institutions, say that you have 
become more righteous, or that you understand 
the Constitution better, or what you please, but 
do not charge us with aggressing upon your 
rights. How can we aggress upon your rights? 
We cannot pass a solitary measure without a 
large vote from the North, if all the Represent- 
atives from the slave States were united. Can you 
name a single instance where the South have en- 
deavored to interfere with the domestic affairs of 
the North ? If you will strike out of your proviso 
the word "slavery," and insert any other sub- 
stantive in the English language, there is not a 
man, woman, or child, but would rise up and de- 
nounce it. feiy that the Catholic religion, or the 
Methodist religion, the common law, or the civil 
law, shall not go to California, and there would 
be a denunciation from one end of the Union to 
the other. It is true that the Wilmot proviso, 
eo nomine, is defunct. I was sitting in that gal- 
lery when it was introduced, and a gentleman ob- 
served to me that it was the worst firebrand ever 
introduced, and would dissolve the Union,and we 
both went into the House, and voted against it. 

The people of the South relying upon their con- 
Btitutioiial rights, are committed against this Wil- 
mot proviso, and you will not pass it. When the 
Constitution was framed, the people of the South 
had intelligence and foresight enough to make such 
constitutional provisions as were necessary to se- 
cure them from any encroachments. We think 
those provisions sufficient, and are willing to trust 
ourselves under that Constitution when faith- 
fully executed; but I desire to say for myself, 
without intending or wishing to commit any gen- 
tlemen to my views, that as it is admitted by north- 
ern men, jurists, and all writers and commentators 
upon the'Constitution, that without these guaran- 
ties, the Union' could never have been formed; if 
it shall be shown by the legislation and practice 
of this Government, that they are not sufficient to 
eecure all the rights of property in .slaves in esse 
posse, manendo et eundo, I desire to have additional 
guaranties. 

Mr. McCLERNAND wished to know whether 
the gentleman intended to exert his influence to 
cause the southern States to secede, or break up 
the Union, if they do not get an amendment to the 
Constitution ? 

Mr. MORSE. If those guaranties are not suf- 
ficient, or are not maintained, I will devote all my 
energy, day and night — 1 will write and talk to the 
people to bring this' about. Mv people, in giving 
up the right to go north of 36^ 30', will at least 
have the doctrine of non-intervention respected 
south of that.line. I believe the guaranties of the 
Constitution amply sufficient, and am willing to 
submit the question to the courts of justice. 

Mr. McCLERNAND. The gentleman says 
that, if such and such things are not done, he is for 
disu) ion. He insists that slavery is tolerated south 
of 36*^ 30'. Now the gentleman, holding tlie* doc- 
trine he does, I ask iiim, in view of that doctrine-, 
how can he contend that non-intervention can pre- 
vent him? 

Mr. MORSE. It cannot. 



Mr. McCLERNAND. What is the difficulty, 
then } 

Mr. MORSE. Because you declare in all your 
speeches and preambles, and will probably do so 
in some legislative enactment, that slavery shall 
not go there, or that it is forever excluded by 
Mexican law. The moment you do, you violate 
the bond, tear your name from it, and seek to hold 
us to it. 

Mr. McCLERNAND. You said the Wilmot 
proviso was defunct. 

Mr. MORSE. True; but there are two other 
provisos, tR^e Executive, and, the most odious of all, 
the Mexican proviso, as I shall call it — " a rose by 
any other name" — the quotation is somewhat 
musty. 

Mr. DUER. If the judiciary decides against 
you, will you then insist on your proposed change 
in the Constitution .' 

Mr. MORSE. No, sir; I would abide by that 
decision— you cannot make your Mexican proviso 
any more palatable. If I am to be excluded from 
the country, where you said solemnly we had a 
right to go, I would rather you should do it than 
the Mexicans. 

The legislative and the treaty-making power are 
both subservient to the Constitution, and no law — 
no treaty can bind any citizen that contravenes 
that sacred instrument. The President and the 
Senate cannot make any treaty in defiance of this 
Constitution. If a stipulation had been inserted, 
either by the commissioners or in the Senate, (as 
I learn was attempted,) that slavery could not go 
to every part of the territory south of '36° 30', it 
would not be worth the parchment on which it 
was written, and I would go there, as I have no 
doubt we have a rijiht to do with our .slaves, and 
if there was an honest judge to be found, (any man 
except one who thinks that he is justified in viola- 
ting his oath because the Constitution is subser- 
vient to the laws of God,) I would hold your treaty 
null and void, and I should be protected m the 
enjoyment of my slave property. Could your 
President and Senate make a treaty establishing 
a Church as a pan of your State government? 
Could your Senate make a treaty recogiiizing a 
title of nobility ? In short, can it do anythmg for- 
bidden, or even doubtful, under your Constitution ? 
Well, what is.the force of this M-xican proviso? 
I have read all the writers upon national law, and 
I find nothing of the kind, and I regret that & Sen- 
ator from Pennsylvania has Vattel in the original, 
from the library, or I would show what the law 
on the subject is. I will however state, thatall 
that any writer contends for, i§, that the people 
shall not be left lawless, and that such municipal 
laws and regulations as are necessary, are (ex neces-^ 
silale rei) left in force until the laws or will of the 
conquering power is known. Our Constitution is 
sovereign, and extends i)is«n)i//i/ over all territory 
acquired in any manner whatever, and annul.^ and 
abrogates all laws repugnant to it. An established 
relig'ron is part of the law of Mexico. Is there 
such a thing in these. territories now ? There are 
fifiy articles, contraband by the Mexican law, now- 
going in free. Have you ever extended even your 
revenue laws over these people? How are alt 
these things done? Because our Constitution 
extends there, and provides for all the legislation 
therein contained, either the positive or the pro- 
hibitive enactments. I presume there may be 



aws former y m force, that have a binding opera- 
t on now, wl^ere they do not contravene our Con- 
stitution, or. It may be, our acts of Congress. 

While on the subject of this proviso, I must 
here say, tliat if any doubt had ever rested upon 
?^ Tu*^' r'i!r' ^^'' ^'•^"•"ent of the gentleman 
from Ohio [Mr. D.sney,] has placed thai question 
beyond a controversy. It was even more satis- 
factory than that of the distinguished statesman 
from Michigan; and when your inexorable ham- 
mer fell, I was both sorry and glad-sorry to have 
so able an argument interrupted, and glad not to 
hear the gentleman show how this thing could 
be done in another way. If he would bring to 
bear half the research he has shown upon the 
Wilmot proviso, I know that he would be satis- 
tied that this notion of the -Mexican law doin<.- 
What the Congress of the United States cannot"^ 
and will not do, is equally erroneous, unjust, and 
l^ ""^^^s.^iore oflensive than the other.* 
Mr. Chairman, is it necessary to say anythino- 
more to prove that these ideas of interfering' with 
slavery in the territories-of the right of Co'ngress 
to exclude any portion of the American people 
tZZ^'^?!"^ their property to all parts of the 
united btates— or the last position, that there is 
no right of property recognized in slaves— are ail 
of very recent origin ? Only a few years ago, Mr. 
van Buren, the present head of the Free-Soil party, 
While representing our Government at the court 
otbt. James, made an able argument, and succeed- 
ed in obtaining indemnity for slaves liberated by 
%a"J, authorities at Nassau; and the only 
real difficulty was, where their value was to be es- 
timated. 

Has it come to this, that we will threaten, with 
the power of our country, a foreigner who inter- 
feres with the slave of our fellow-citizen, but are 
unable to make our own citizens respect the ri^^h's 
of property of each other, or obey the clear,°un- 
disputed requisitions of the Constitution.? Then 
It was true, that the flag of our country protected 
all her citizens alike ? If the person or property of 
the humblest of our fellow-citizens from the North 
13 molested by the most powerful nation of the 
earth, our pulse beats quicker at the recital of the 
injury and thousands of swords are ready to lean 
rom then- scabbards to right the wrong; but when 
It has relation to slave property, not only will you 

^n^ T^I'J^ f"'^ °'''^'" •■^'^'•^^S' but you aid, abet, 
ana shield the perpetrators of such wrong amon? 
our brethren. ° 

Since the period.when Mr. Van Buren obtained 
compensation for the slaves liberated at Nassau 
one or two other vessels have been obliged to stop 
there, under precisely the same cireumstances, and 
^leslaves have been liberated, and the injury has 



*Since the above remarks were made, the conclusion of 

wf.idimlkpT/f.V'''' ''''*'' n-hlusliecl'u, the Globe Jonl 
w/ucn 1 make the following extract- 

vi'JJ!!^ '"■''"*'"' Executive has been pledged for the pro- 
viso as aga.nst it in the South, but as in fSvor of it inTe 
No th ; and my constituents believe, tliat ihis was an atro 
cious fraud; they think its exposure is demanded bv the 
highest interests of the Republic ; and they^ay to mef t u 

provision an eliecUve law, yet 

" Wrest once the laiv to our authority, 
To do a great right, do a little wrong " 

r'^g.U.anS'shanobe?.'^"^" '" '''' '''''''''' ^^' '^^y '^^^ 
Comment is unnecessary, ; 



remained unredressed. Arethelawssoequallyand 
impartially administered, and the benefits and pro- 
tection so justly meted out, that unless we are 
ready to declare that we are for the Union, now, 
and forever, and under all circumstances, we are 
to be denounced as factionists > 

I solemnly declare that there is no man more 
devoted to the Union of these States than myself, 
and I know that great injuries, inconveniences, 
and unfortunate consequences will necessarily 
follow to all .sections from a separation. I say 
more, that 1 do not think there is a man in my 
State in favor of disunion, as an abstract idea, 
but that there are things even more to be avoided 
than disunion, and that any attempt to destroy the 
institution of slavery in the States directly, or by 
circumscribing it to limits too narrow, or by keep- 
ing us out of all territory south of 30° 30', will 
as surely, as day succeeds night, bring about that 
catastrophe; and upon the heads of those who are 
guilty of such aggression will the sin remain. 

Wiien I invoke your aid, under the Constitu- 
tion, for the protection and return of my slave 
property, I am not answered, when you tell me 
that it is a local law that constitutes slavery. A 
distinguished statesman— perhaps the most distin- 
guished statesman of New England, who for 
more than fifty years, filled the highest places in 
her councils, [Mr. Adams]— said, that the Consti- 
tution was a pro-slavery instrument, and that it 
contained some two or three clauses inserted for 
Its perpetuation. And if the people of the South 
hear statesmen appealing to some higher power 
beyond and above it, they may well feel alarmed 
and insecure, and think about disunion. 

And this brings me to the remedy proposed. 
One would have supposed, from the manner the 
convention proposed to be held at Nashville has 
been denounced, that such a thing had never taken 
place before. If a single interest, belonging to 
some portion of th'is Union, is supposed to be 
injuriously affected, or threatened, forthwith con- 
ventions are held, resolutions passed, and for 
weeks and months our tables are flooded with 
pamphlets, upon the subject of coal, iron, or man- 
ufactures, as the case may be. There have been 
more meetings, and preachings, and resolutions 
passed, and propositions oflered, to secede from 
the Union, and money spent to get rid of the sin 
and the property, which is ours, than we shall ' 
be able to equal in the next ten years, if we do 
nothing but agitate this question. 

When this convention meets at Nashville, I do 
not suppose it can, or will even attempt to, dissolve 
theUnion. It cannot be done in a day, or a month, 
or a year; but— as we have already been told by 
the great statesman from Carolina— already a num- 
ber of the cords have been sundered, and the 
last one may be easily broken. It was the last 
feather that crushed the camel, and the last drop 
that made the cup run over; and if _you will not 
look at the truth now, the work may be done be- 
^ore yoii are aware of it. There will be assembled 
the delegates from a large majority of the southern 
States, with every disposition to be calm and con- . 
servative; they will have to deliberate and talk 
about* the wrongs and aggressions of which they 
complain. Itjmatters little whether these ago-res- 
sions exist in truth or in imagination. If only 
imaginary, like the disease of the hypochondriac, 
the mental is worse than the bodily, for "who 



8 



can minister to a mind diseased r" Is it to be sup- 
posed, Mr. Chairman, tliat the meeting of this 
convention, under these circumstances, will be cal- 
culated to allay the irritation under vhich the 
southern nrind is laboring? I apprehend not. 
What remains then to be done.' Take away all 
cause for the convention— show some of the patri- 
otism which belonged to the earlier and better days 
of the Republic— make us feel that we are the de- 
scendants of those who shed their blood in a com- 
mon cause, and for a common benefit. Let the 
palladium of an American citizen be at least as 



sure a protection as it was in the palmiest days of 
the Roman Republic. Let the time come, and al- 
ways be, when the stars and stripes will protect 
every American, and his property of every kind 
and description whatever, upon every foot of soil, 
won by common blood and treasure, so long aa 
you shall hold it in trust for him. In short, give 
us at least the guaranties which your fathers gave 
to mine, when they were equals: a strong but gen- 
erous majority would give more, and save the 
Union; a weak but jealous minority could not take 
less, and preserve their honor. 



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